China's equidistant policy in the Middle East

Mohammed Issam Laaroussi China Plus Published: 2017-11-01 09:56:55
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By Dr Mohammed Issam Laaroussi

Despite the fact that China is mostly an economic power, China's foreign policy toward the Middle East still adopts a skeptical strategy based on traditional  principles of isolation and  no  military and political interference in the region of tremendous influence. China has been for long decades interested only in strengthening economic partnerships with Middle Eastern  countries. It Is currently facing real challenges to build a political and military commitment towards the region, restored a deep understanding of the geopolitical transformations currently happning in the region.  Relatively, China does not compete with Washington and Moscow politically and militarily to fight terrorism, make an end to the chaos prevailing some areas of tenssion  and to find a strategic footprint in the region. 

Middle East is well-known as a home to various conflicts. Religious conflicts, national conflicts, and economic conflicts mingle together, which has caused several local wars. This region has become a source of terrorism and religious extremism. Due to the lack of a dominant power, the regional powers — Turkey, Iran, Egypt, Saudi Arabia, even Iraq — struggle with each other over the leadership of Middle East. The conflicts between small and middle powers frequently result in intervention from regional powers and outside ones. Outside powers often support different countries, religions, or religious sects to secure their own benefits.

inian chief negotiator and secretary general of Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) executive committee during their meeting in Ramallah on Jan. 31, 2016. [Photo: Xinhua]

inian chief negotiator and secretary general of Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) executive committee during their meeting in Ramallah on Jan. 31, 2016. [Photo: Xinhua]

In the next decade, the prospect of China’s relations with Middle Eastern states mainly lie in the potential for economic cooperation. For China, it will be difficult to transform cultural exchanges (which have considerable potential) to practical influence in the region. On the one hand, China should cast more significant role in security issues in the Middle East, to show its responsibilities and capabilities as a rising power. On the other hand, China also hopes to get economic and cultural profits from its interactions with the Middle East. 

However, today, estimates of China’s willingness to engage in warfare must take into account the historical perspectives, as well as its actual military capability. China may have the largest standing military in the world, but it has not fought in a war since the 1979 ‘Vietnam lesson’.Although continuing to amass immense technological resources, China’s military capabilities are still nowhere near US levels, and its military remains untested comparable to their counterparts in the US military.” It has developed anti-access capability and defensive anti-ship technology, but these would be useful only in its immediate region. China does not have basing agreements, nor does it yet have the aircraft carrier technology to compete with certain other powers in middle East. 

For China, an equidistant policy is out. It is also inappropriate for China to benefit from inciting conflicts because doing so will harm China’s interests. Similarly, playing off one side against the other, which Russia and the United States prefer, is not a feasible approach, since the oppressed side — either the administration or the opposition — may adopt punitive measures, and then China will suffer economic damages, or even terrorist attacks. China is neither a party to the disputes in the Middle East or responsible for these conflicts; nor is it a direct neighboring country of Middle Eastern states. China’s critical task is still developing its domestic economy and society, thus, it is inappropriate for China to undertake too many international commitments and obligations that might interfere with its domestic progress.

China is implementing the realpolitik approach in the Middle East . Its impact within the region, is seen to be  soft power by looking into trade, capital flows, labor flows, energy and raw materials and competition in the domestic and international markets with respect to goods and services. Indirect effects of China as a global player on the Middle East may also play a role, mainly through the United States the main  player in the Middle East. 

Actually countries in the Middle East, particularly the Arab gulf states, aim to diversify their strategic partners due to the demise of American global power and the diminishing interest of the United States. America’s acrimonious and costly experiences in Afghanistan, Iraq, and Libya make Washington reluctant to remain directly involved in the region, in addition to the emergence of a tripartite struggle for the hegemony of the region as Iranians, Turks, and Arabs. It was expected that the Chinese government would become a more assertive player in the Middle East in order to counterbalance the American dominance. But China has not so far been able to play this role.

China can have an alternative image in adopting a new perspective and a new policy. China should fight against proliferation issues, enhance its presence in the Middle Eastern countries, invest in Iran’s oil and gas industry, encourage trade and economic relations with the Middle East, promote the rule of law and civil rights in China as well as in the Middle East, adopt a partnership policy and provide more active international support for peaceful solution in Syria, Yemen, Palestine and Libya.

(Dr. Mohammed Issam Laaroussi is a Senior Researcher at TRENDS Research & Advisory in United Arab Emirates)

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Mohammed Issam Laaroussi Dr. Mohammed Issam Laaroussi is a Senior Researcher and lecturer at Trends Research & Advisory, Academic and professional writer in different media outlets. Laaroussi has previously worked as senior Analyst at the Emirates Center for Strategic Studies and Research (ECSSR), Abu Dhabi, Lecturer in the American University of Leadership, Rabat, Morocco and has served as a Senior Officer of Morocco’s police department, Interior Ministry. His areas of expertise are International Law, Management of International Organizations, National Security Approaches, and Foreign Policy Analysis, Crisis Management, and Geostrategic studies, Terrorism Affairs, Leadership and Governance. Mr Laaroussi holds a PhD in International Relations as well as an MA in security and defense studies. Lin Shaowen A radio person, Mr. Lin Shaowen is strongly interested in international relations and Chinese politics. As China is quite often misunderstood in the rest of the world, he feels the need to better present the true picture of the country, the policies and meanings. So he talks a lot and is often seen debating. Then friends find a critical Lin Shaowen criticizing and criticized. Xu Qinduo Xu Qinduo is CRI's former chief correspondent to Washington DC, the United States. He works as the producer, host and commentator for TODAY, a flagship talk show on current affairs. Mr. Xu contributes regularly to English-language newspapers including Shenzhen Daily and Global Times as well as Chinese-language radio and TV services. Luo Yu Luo Yu is a freelance writer, CRI's former co-host of RoundTable, discussing the hottest social issues in China. He was also former producer and host of Biz Buzz, a weekly business program which includes exclusive interviews with global business and political leaders. Former guests include former Australian Prime Minister Kevin Rudd, former Pakistani Prime Minister Shaukat Aziz and Nobel Laureate in Economics Pro. Thomas Sargent. Luo Yu holds a MSc. Finance and Investment, a MSc. Management Science and Operational Research, a BSc in Biology and a BBA in Business Administration. Luo Yu loves exploring new opportunities. His boldest move might be when he switched from engineering to broadcasting. It’s a move he considers to be the wisest decision he's ever made. Sina Weibo: @CRI罗煜 Email: louie23@126.com Michael P. Toothman Michael P. Toothman is a Los Angeles-based speaker, educator, Sinophile, and expert on Leadership, Communication, and Project Management. He teaches for the University of California, Riverside and has mentored and trained over 3,500 leaders from over 1,000 companies in 25 countries. Jonathan Rechtman Jonathan Rechtman is a Chinese-English conference interpreter, entrepreneur, writer and public speaker. Based in China for over a decade, he has interpreted for multiple presidents and prime ministers, Fortune 500 CEOs, Hollywood stars, Nobel prize winners, and a princess. He is the co-founder at Cadence Translate, an on-demand translation solution for multinational corporates and investors. Sara Hsu Sara Hsu is an associate professor from the State University of New York at New Paltz. She is a regular commentator on Chinese economy. Shafei Moiz Hali Dr. Shafei Moiz Hali studied at George Mason University, Virginia, USA and specialized in the field of International Commerce and Policy. He did his PhD from Huazhong University of Science and Technology, Wuhan, China specializing in Chinese foreign policy focusing on the Belt and Road Initiative and energy issues. Currently Dr. Hali is working as an Assistant Professor with the Faculty of Contemporary Studies, National Defence University (NDU) Islamabad, Pakistan.