Interpreting the prospect of China-Zimbabwe ties

Wadeisor Rukato China Plus Published: 2018-04-08 11:33:17
Comment
Share
Share this with Close
Messenger Messenger Pinterest LinkedIn

By Wadeisor Rukato

Friday the 6th of April marked the end of a state visit by Zimbabwe's President Emmerson Mnangagwa to China. The recently ended trip is Mnangagwa's first state visit to China since taking office in November 2017. 

Chinese President Xi Jinping holds a welcome ceremony for his Zimbabwean counterpart Emmerson Mnangagwa before their talks at the Great Hall of the People in Beijing, capital of China, April 3, 2018.[Photo:Xinhua]

Chinese President Xi Jinping holds a welcome ceremony for his Zimbabwean counterpart Emmerson Mnangagwa before their talks at the Great Hall of the People in Beijing, capital of China, April 3, 2018.[Photo:Xinhua]

Zimbabwe and China's indisputably close relationship dates back to the formal establishment of diplomatic relations in 1980.  With Former President Robert Mugabe having been the principal custodian of this relationship, it remains to be seen how President Emmerson Mnangagwa's administration will work with China to grow this relationship and, in the words of Mnagagwa, establish "some socialism in Zimbabwe with Zimbabwean characteristics".

Still looking East: Zimbabwean Foreign Policy toward China

As early as the year 2000 Zimbabwe had sanctions imposed on it by Western countries and institutions like the World Bank and the IMF. Largely a result of these hostilities, Zimbabwe gradually built strong relationships with alternative development partners in Asia through the adoption of the Look East Policy.

While there is no formal document that has been released by the Zimbabwean Ministry of Foreign Affairs outlining the principles of the Look East Policy, the primacy of this policy is made clear in public pronouncements by government officials and international travel by Zimbabwean diplomats. By developing closer relationships with Asian states including Indonesia, Iran, Pakistan, Malaysia and China, the Zimbabwean government has increasingly prioritised models of economic growth and development that seek to replicate or emulate the experiences of these countries.

At a policy level, there is no indication that the Mnangagwa administration will seek to deviate from the Look East Policy. President Emmerson Mnangagwa is therefore likely to continue to stoke Zimbabwe's relationship with China. This is despite the fact that Mnangagwa is more moderate in his regard toward Western countries and is therefore also likely to begin rebuilding previously tarnished relationships with Western countries.

For Zimbabwe, strategic areas of cooperation with China are geared toward the achievement of goals set out in the Zimbabwean Agenda for Sustainable Socio-Economic Transformation (ZIM-ASSET) 2013-2018, the country's blueprint for social and economic development. With China offering Zimbabwe a "complete package" that includes aid geared toward healthcare and infrastructure development, technical knowledge, money, and clout in the international community through support for decision making in Zimbabwe, there is little doubt that China and Zimbabwe will continue leverage the mutual benefits of their relationship.

A "New Chapter"?

So, what can we expect from this "New Chapter" in Zimbabwe's relations with China? For one, China will continue to provide financial support to Zimbabwe as Zimbabwe seeks deeper economic ties with China. For example, it is reported that a key outcome of the Zimbabwean delegation's trip to Beijing last week included the signing of a $500 million package for the supply of agriculture and mining machinery to Zimbabwe. Mnangagwa and his delegation were also able to secure project funding for the refurbishment of Hwange Power Station’s units 7 and 8, as well as the Robert Mugabe International Airport.

With general elections in Zimbabwe set for July 2018, Mnangagwa's ability to ensure a smooth presidential election certainly presents political uncertainties that China and Chinese actors in Zimbabwe will be factoring into projections for future decision making. The elections will be a defining factor for how the much talked about "new chapter" of Zimbabwe-China relations is realised. Here, it is critical that economic benefits continue to outweigh political risks. From a financial perspective, Zimbabwe's poor record of loan repayment may cause challenges for the country's ability to secure new loans from Chinese institutions.  Zimbabwe still owes US$160 million to China Exim Bank and Sinosure and this has made securing new loans from Sinosure for projects challenging.

Since January 2018 President Mnangagwa has emphasised the "Zimbabwe open for business" sentiment as a call to the international community to invest in the country. While China continued to invest in Zimbabwe over the years, the Mnangagwa administration must ensure that the Zimbabwean economy and business environment remains sufficiently ripe for Chinese investment interests to thrive. Boosting inbound tourism from China to Zimbabwe was also on the agenda during Mnangagwa’s trip. It is reported that the Zimbabwean and Chinese governments agreed that going forward, Chinese nationals will not be required to apply for visas before coming to Zimbabwe. According to a diplomatic source, Chinese nationals will be able to secure visas at the airport.

In an interview with China Global Television Network (CGTN) in Beijing on the 5th of April 2018, Mnangagwa described his trip to China as a "resounding success" and gushed over the "chemistry" that developed between himself and Chinese President Xi Jinping during his trip. From what is known of the outcomes of this trip, there seems to be little that has changed in Zimbabwe’s relations with China. Thus, with attention firmly fixed on Zimbabwe's July election, it remains to be seen how the "all-weather" friendship between China and Zimbabwe will manifest in what remains of 2018.

(Wadeisor Rukato graduated from Peking University's Yenching Academy in 2017 with an MA in China Studies. Her research focuses on the relationship between African States and China.)

Related stories

Share this story on

Columnists

LU Xiankun Professor LU Xiankun is Managing Director of LEDECO Geneva and Associate Partner of IDEAS Centre Geneva. He is Emeritus Professor of China Institute for WTO Studies of the University of International Business and Economics (UIBE) and Wuhan University (WHU) of China and visiting professor or senior research fellow of some other universities and think tanks in China and Europe. He also sits in management of some international business associations and companies, including as Senior Vice President of Shenzhen UEB Technology LTD., a leading e-commerce company of China. Previously, Mr. LU was senior official of Chinese Ministry of Commerce and senior diplomat posted in Europe, including in Geneva as Counsellor and Head of Division of the Permanent Mission of China to the WTO and in Brussels as Commercial Secretary of the Permanent Mission of China to the EU. Benjamin Cavender Benjamin Cavender is a Shanghai based consultant with more than 11 years of experience helping companies understand consumer behavior and develop go to market strategies for China. He is a frequent speaker on economic and consumer trends in China and is often featured on CNBC, Bloomberg, and Channel News Asia. Sara Hsu Sara Hsu is an associate professor from the State University of New York at New Paltz. She is a regular commentator on Chinese economy. Xu Qinduo Xu Qinduo is CRI's former chief correspondent to Washington DC, the United States. He works as the producer, host and commentator for TODAY, a flagship talk show on current affairs. Mr. Xu contributes regularly to English-language newspapers including Shenzhen Daily and Global Times as well as Chinese-language radio and TV services. Lin Shaowen A radio person, Mr. Lin Shaowen is strongly interested in international relations and Chinese politics. As China is quite often misunderstood in the rest of the world, he feels the need to better present the true picture of the country, the policies and meanings. So he talks a lot and is often seen debating. Then friends find a critical Lin Shaowen criticizing and criticized. George N. Tzogopoulos Dr George N. Tzogopoulos is an expert in media and politics/international relations as well as Chinese affairs. He is Senior Research Fellow at the Centre International de Européenne (CIFE) and Visiting Lecturer at the European Institute affiliated with it and is teaching international relations at the Department of Law of the Democritus University of Thrace. George is the author of two books: US Foreign Policy in the European Media: Framing the Rise and Fall of Neoconservatism (IB TAURIS) and The Greek Crisis in the Media: Stereotyping in the International Press (Ashgate) as well as the founder of chinaandgreece.com, an institutional partner of CRI Greek. David Morris David Morris is the Pacific Islands Trade and Investment Commissioner in China, a former Australian diplomat and senior political adviser. Harvey Dzodin After a distinguished career in the US government and American media Dr. Harvey Dzodin is now a Beijing-based freelance columnist for several media outlets. While living in Beijing, he has published over 200 columns with an emphasis on arts, culture and the Belt & Road initiative. He is also a sought-after speaker and advisor in China and abroad. He currently serves as Nonresident Research Fellow of the think tank Center for China and Globalization and Senior Advisor of Tsinghua University National Image Research Center specializing in city branding. Dr. Dzodin was a political appointee of President Jimmy Carter and served as lawyer to a presidential commission. Upon the nomination of the White House and the US State Department he served at the United Nations Office in Vienna, Austria. He was Director and Vice President of the ABC Television in New York for more than two decades.