US-China Trade: A Pause in Escalations, an Olive Branch from Beijing, and Washington’s Weird Left Turn

China Plus Published: 2018-04-14 11:39:46
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By Brady Fox

The world has been on edge since the Trump administration announced in early March that it would be implementing tariffs on steel and aluminum entering the United States. The policy, criticized almost universally, was introduced with Trump’s signature, simple bluster: “When a country (USA) is losing many billions of dollars on trade with virtually every country it does business with, trade wars are good, and easy to win.”

Alarm bells went off from London to Shanghai. As most know, trade wars are not easy to win. Generally, they end with everybody losing.

A bucket of yelllow soybeans is shown as a truck rolls by Deerfield Farms Service on Thursday, April 5, 2018, at the facility in Volant, Pennsylvania.[Photo: AP/Keith Srakocic]

A bucket of yelllow soybeans is shown as a truck rolls by Deerfield Farms Service on Thursday, April 5, 2018, at the facility in Volant, Pennsylvania.[Photo: AP/Keith Srakocic]

While Trump expressed willingness to discuss the tariffs on a country-by-country basis and granted blanket exemptions to some trading partners such as Canada, no agreement was reached with China. The tariffs were worth about USD $3 billion to China. And so in response, Beijing retaliated with an equal measure of tariffs against the United States. That was the end of Round 1 between the world’s two heavyweight economies, which combine for roughly 40% of total economic activity on the planet. 

Round 2 saw much more targeted tariffs: Trump introduced the process of bringing in USD $50 billion of tariffs against Chinese tech, transport and medical goods, while Beijing responded by identifying USD $50 billion in US goods such as agricultural products (critical to Trump’s support base) that it could target in retaliation. 

While the US’ steel and aluminum tariffs were general and somewhat aimless, the second round of tariffs clearly targeted China’s burgeoning tech industry. This is likely an attempt to steer Beijing away from its Made in China 2025 economic policy. The Chinese tariffs, in turn, simply target Trump’s base as a message to back down from starting a trade war. 

In Round 3, Trump threatened an additional $100 billion in tariffs on Chinese imports. This time, China seemed to break with the tit-for-tat pattern. No retaliation was announced. Instead, Xi Jinping delivered a reassuring speech on April 9th, promising to continue to open the country’s economy and lower import tariffs on products like cars. While the two economic juggernauts paused to reassess, the rest of the world sighs in relief.

Trump then surprised observers on April 12th by announcing that the United States would reconsider the Trans-Pacific Partnership, an 11-nation agreement that he campaigned heavily against during the 2016 election. He removed the US from negotiations on the third day of his presidency. After the fallout from his push for protectionism, it appears Trump may have warmed to one of his largest economic bogeymen – the multilateral deal.

The TPP is significant in the context of US-China trade because it partially designed to act as a source of economic leverage for member states when negotiating with China. The question, then, is whether Trump is suddenly talking TPP as an alternative or in addition to tariffs. The timing indicates it may be an alternative to escalating toward a trade war, which almost no state wants. It is certainly a welcome development for prospective TPP member countries, all of which are massive trade partners of both the US and China.

For China, the threat of new tariffs is clearly not an economic policy but a negotiating shield. It is direct rebuke to Trump’s combative approach to bilateral trade – a threat not to go down that road. Coupled with Xi’s reassurances, the Chinese commitment to promoting free trade is clear. China is still an economy in transition and still has plenty of progress to make on subsidies and tariffs in certain departments; pressure from other states and multilateral organizations to uphold those commitments is normal, so long as it occurs through predictable and productive channels.

And so Beijing too, despite reservations, may be slightly pleased to see the US return to discussing the TPP. While Chinese policymakers generally view the agreement as exclusionary and perhaps even threatening, it is within international norms. It is transparent, predictable, and manageable. For top thinkers in Beijing, this is at least the devil they know. 

Indeed, the threat of a trade war between China and the United States highlights the difficulty of communicating with Washington under the Trump administration. For decades, the Chinese government has been meticulous about cultivating official and non-official communication channels with economic leaders in the United States, but most of those have now been shut-out of Trump’s inner circle. Even Jared Kushner, the Trump confidant with which China was closest, has recently been sidelined. The public nature of the confrontation over tariffs speaks to a breakdown in private communication, which is worrisome.

Unpredictability is the greatest foe of a prosperous world order. Norms allow countries to operate with certainty and thus enable cooperation and healthy competition. For the US-China relationship, working to maintain communication, reliability, and norms-based action is essential to world prosperity. The erratic economic policies of the Trump administration have brought those principles under assault. 

Indeed, it is truly a bizarre day when Washington returning to the TPP might be the best news Beijing has heard all month.

(Brady Fox is a Canadian expert on Asia Pacific affairs.)

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LU Xiankun Professor LU Xiankun is Managing Director of LEDECO Geneva and Associate Partner of IDEAS Centre Geneva. He is Emeritus Professor of China Institute for WTO Studies of the University of International Business and Economics (UIBE) and Wuhan University (WHU) of China and visiting professor or senior research fellow of some other universities and think tanks in China and Europe. He also sits in management of some international business associations and companies, including as Senior Vice President of Shenzhen UEB Technology LTD., a leading e-commerce company of China. Previously, Mr. LU was senior official of Chinese Ministry of Commerce and senior diplomat posted in Europe, including in Geneva as Counsellor and Head of Division of the Permanent Mission of China to the WTO and in Brussels as Commercial Secretary of the Permanent Mission of China to the EU. Benjamin Cavender Benjamin Cavender is a Shanghai based consultant with more than 11 years of experience helping companies understand consumer behavior and develop go to market strategies for China. He is a frequent speaker on economic and consumer trends in China and is often featured on CNBC, Bloomberg, and Channel News Asia. Sara Hsu Sara Hsu is an associate professor from the State University of New York at New Paltz. She is a regular commentator on Chinese economy. Xu Qinduo Xu Qinduo is CRI's former chief correspondent to Washington DC, the United States. He works as the producer, host and commentator for TODAY, a flagship talk show on current affairs. Mr. Xu contributes regularly to English-language newspapers including Shenzhen Daily and Global Times as well as Chinese-language radio and TV services. Lin Shaowen A radio person, Mr. Lin Shaowen is strongly interested in international relations and Chinese politics. As China is quite often misunderstood in the rest of the world, he feels the need to better present the true picture of the country, the policies and meanings. So he talks a lot and is often seen debating. Then friends find a critical Lin Shaowen criticizing and criticized. George N. Tzogopoulos Dr George N. Tzogopoulos is an expert in media and politics/international relations as well as Chinese affairs. He is Senior Research Fellow at the Centre International de Européenne (CIFE) and Visiting Lecturer at the European Institute affiliated with it and is teaching international relations at the Department of Law of the Democritus University of Thrace. George is the author of two books: US Foreign Policy in the European Media: Framing the Rise and Fall of Neoconservatism (IB TAURIS) and The Greek Crisis in the Media: Stereotyping in the International Press (Ashgate) as well as the founder of chinaandgreece.com, an institutional partner of CRI Greek. David Morris David Morris is the Pacific Islands Trade and Investment Commissioner in China, a former Australian diplomat and senior political adviser. Harvey Dzodin After a distinguished career in the US government and American media Dr. Harvey Dzodin is now a Beijing-based freelance columnist for several media outlets. While living in Beijing, he has published over 200 columns with an emphasis on arts, culture and the Belt & Road initiative. He is also a sought-after speaker and advisor in China and abroad. He currently serves as Nonresident Research Fellow of the think tank Center for China and Globalization and Senior Advisor of Tsinghua University National Image Research Center specializing in city branding. Dr. Dzodin was a political appointee of President Jimmy Carter and served as lawyer to a presidential commission. Upon the nomination of the White House and the US State Department he served at the United Nations Office in Vienna, Austria. He was Director and Vice President of the ABC Television in New York for more than two decades.