Kim watches Trump killing the Iran deal

China Plus Published: 2018-05-18 11:06:59
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By Zhao Ying

Trump's walking away from the Iran nuclear deal could make it harder for Washington to strike a deal with Pyongyang, as he is sending a chilly message to Kim Jong Un that any US commitment or security guarantee could be easily reversed.

People watch a TV screen showing file footage of U.S. President Donald Trump, left, and North Korean leader Kim Jong Un during a news program at the Seoul Railway Station in Seoul, South Korea, Wednesday, May 16, 2018. [File photo: AP]

People watch a TV screen showing file footage of U.S. President Donald Trump, left, and North Korean leader Kim Jong Un during a news program at the Seoul Railway Station in Seoul, South Korea, Wednesday, May 16, 2018. [File photo: AP]

Ever since Donald Trump took office, the US has abandoned several international accords with his "America First" policy, from the Paris climate accord to the TPP trade pact and now the Iran deal. The Trump administration is constantly reminding the rest of the world that the US may easily change its mind.

This is something that Kim's late father must have warned him of. On October 18, 1994, the Clinton administration and North Korea signed the Agreed Framework.

Under the agreement, Pyongyang was supposed to halt the construction of its reactors that could be used to produce nuclear weapons; in exchange, the US would build for North Korea two light-water nuclear reactors that could produce energy but not bomb fuel, as well as 500,000 tons of fuel oil annually.

After the agreement was signed, North Korea suspended nuclear activities and allowed inspectors back in. However, the US often delayed oil shipments, and the light-water reactors were never built.

In 2002, the Bush administration labeled North Korea as part of an "Axis of Evil," killing what little was left of the spirit of the Agreed Framework.

During his recent meeting with Chinese President Xi Jinping, Kim Jong Un said that North Korea had no need to possess nuclear weapons "as long as relevant parties eliminate the hostile policy and security threats" against Pyongyang, a clear reference to the US.

The greatest obstacle to the denuclearization of the Korean Peninsula is North Korea's sense of insecurity. The trust deficit between Pyongyang and Washington is big, and Kim could have drawn lessons from Iraq and Libya that the US will only launch attacks on countries with no weapons of mass destruction at all, although alleged possession of such weapons can be an excuse for US military action.

In 2003, the US invaded Iraq and overthrew the regime of Saddam Hussein in the pretext of his ties to al Qaeda and continuing pursuits of nuclear, chemical and biological weapons. But actual evidence for those accusations has never been found.

Former Libyan leader Muammar Gaddafi voluntarily gave up his nuclear program in 2003 and allowed international inspectors to verify and oversee the process. However, by doing so, he seemed to have assisted his own downfall, when the Arab Spring swept into his country in 2011. The US and some NATO countries backed the uprising and bombed Libyan forces, hastening the collapse of Gaddafi's regime.

Will history repeat itself? How is Donald Trump going to make Kim Jong Un feel secure enough to give up North Korea's nuclear program in their upcoming summit? And even if a deal could be struck, can Kim rest assured that the US would keep its words in the future? Will the next US president pursue a different policy and observe the deal his predecessor inked?

Trump's withdrawal from the Iranian nuclear deal puts America's global credibility in question again. It is another threat to global governance and multilateral diplomacy and will probably make it more difficult for Pyongyang and Washington to build their confidence and trust. There is still hope for denuclearization, as Pyongyang publicly pledged and promised to dismantle its nuclear facility, but the Iran case has no doubt made the already serious trust-deficit between Pyongyang and Washington even worse.

(Zhao Ying is a CRI English host and reporter)

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LU Xiankun Professor LU Xiankun is Managing Director of LEDECO Geneva and Associate Partner of IDEAS Centre Geneva. He is Emeritus Professor of China Institute for WTO Studies of the University of International Business and Economics (UIBE) and Wuhan University (WHU) of China and visiting professor or senior research fellow of some other universities and think tanks in China and Europe. He also sits in management of some international business associations and companies, including as Senior Vice President of Shenzhen UEB Technology LTD., a leading e-commerce company of China. Previously, Mr. LU was senior official of Chinese Ministry of Commerce and senior diplomat posted in Europe, including in Geneva as Counsellor and Head of Division of the Permanent Mission of China to the WTO and in Brussels as Commercial Secretary of the Permanent Mission of China to the EU. Benjamin Cavender Benjamin Cavender is a Shanghai based consultant with more than 11 years of experience helping companies understand consumer behavior and develop go to market strategies for China. He is a frequent speaker on economic and consumer trends in China and is often featured on CNBC, Bloomberg, and Channel News Asia. Sara Hsu Sara Hsu is an associate professor from the State University of New York at New Paltz. She is a regular commentator on Chinese economy. Xu Qinduo Xu Qinduo is CRI's former chief correspondent to Washington DC, the United States. He works as the producer, host and commentator for TODAY, a flagship talk show on current affairs. Mr. Xu contributes regularly to English-language newspapers including Shenzhen Daily and Global Times as well as Chinese-language radio and TV services. Lin Shaowen A radio person, Mr. Lin Shaowen is strongly interested in international relations and Chinese politics. As China is quite often misunderstood in the rest of the world, he feels the need to better present the true picture of the country, the policies and meanings. So he talks a lot and is often seen debating. Then friends find a critical Lin Shaowen criticizing and criticized. George N. Tzogopoulos Dr George N. Tzogopoulos is an expert in media and politics/international relations as well as Chinese affairs. He is Senior Research Fellow at the Centre International de Européenne (CIFE) and Visiting Lecturer at the European Institute affiliated with it and is teaching international relations at the Department of Law of the Democritus University of Thrace. George is the author of two books: US Foreign Policy in the European Media: Framing the Rise and Fall of Neoconservatism (IB TAURIS) and The Greek Crisis in the Media: Stereotyping in the International Press (Ashgate) as well as the founder of chinaandgreece.com, an institutional partner of CRI Greek. David Morris David Morris is the Pacific Islands Trade and Investment Commissioner in China, a former Australian diplomat and senior political adviser. Harvey Dzodin After a distinguished career in the US government and American media Dr. Harvey Dzodin is now a Beijing-based freelance columnist for several media outlets. While living in Beijing, he has published over 200 columns with an emphasis on arts, culture and the Belt & Road initiative. He is also a sought-after speaker and advisor in China and abroad. He currently serves as Nonresident Research Fellow of the think tank Center for China and Globalization and Senior Advisor of Tsinghua University National Image Research Center specializing in city branding. Dr. Dzodin was a political appointee of President Jimmy Carter and served as lawyer to a presidential commission. Upon the nomination of the White House and the US State Department he served at the United Nations Office in Vienna, Austria. He was Director and Vice President of the ABC Television in New York for more than two decades.