Is a rules-based trading system worth saving?

CGTN Published: 2018-08-05 16:55:00
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 Is a rules-based trading system worth saving?

Editor's note: Professor Brad MacKay is the Chair in Strategic Management at the University of St. Andrews. The article reflects the author's opinions, and not necessarily the views of China Plus.

In recent months the US administration has launched trade wars on, well, just about everyone. From solar panels and washing machines, to aluminum and steel, and imminently the possibility of autos and parts, few countries that trade with the US have been spared.

While the stated reasons for these actions have ranged from unfair trade agreements to national security concerns, underneath the surface are much more significant existential anxieties about the future. These anxieties are manifest in philosophical tensions between those advocating multilateralism versus those advocating unilateralism, and those who subscribe to a globalist approach to international affairs, versus those who assume a nativist and protectionist stance.

US ambassador to the WTO,  Dennis Shea, talks with Chinese ambassador to the WTO,  Xiangchen Zhang, before the General meeting at the WTO, Switzerland, July 26, 2018. [File Photo:VCG]

US ambassador to the WTO,  Dennis Shea, talks with Chinese ambassador to the WTO,  Xiangchen Zhang, before the General meeting at the WTO, Switzerland, July 26, 2018. [File Photo:VCG]

Multilateralism, as epitomized in the 70-year-old trading regime embodied in the World Trade Organization (WTO), which regulates world trade, holds that a rules-based global approach to international affairs is the optimum vehicle for achieving peace and prosperity. When countries agree to abide by a commonly shared framework, predatory state behavior is constrained by creating a level playing field and an agreed process for de-escalating and resolving the inevitable disputes that arise between nations.

Unilateralists, on the other hand, take a different view. Rejecting a rules-based order, they subscribe to a "might-is-right" approach, where the key mechanism for resolving tensions is the imposition of one sovereign will on others. It rejects globalism, often finding succor in nationalism, and increasingly, nativism, which laces protectionist instincts with xenophobia.

Since World War II, multilateralism and globalism have dominated thinking in the West, and the United States has been the chief architect and guarantor of a rules-based order. Increasing global trade over this period of time has lifted millions out of poverty. One only needs to look at the rise of China as one of the most significant global players on the world stage for evidence.

Yet, economic and technological change has also come at a cost, such as the redistribution of certain types of jobs, particularly in heavy industry, between countries around the world, imbalances of trade, coerced technological transfers, environmental degradation and growing concentrations of wealth in fewer and fewer hands.

The emergence of the digital age, novel forms of state-backed capitalism, different standards of trade-policy transparency and rapid technological change have also created strains on the multilateral institutions designed to referee a rules-based global order.  

With the collapse of the 14-year Doha round of trade negotiations in 2015, an opportunity to modernize the increasingly antiquated WTO, and to address many of the structural challenges resulting in such existential anxieties that have resulted in the ascendency of protectionist sentiment and unilateralism at a more local, or national level, was missed.

The nameplate of United States on the desk during General Council meeting at the World Trade Organization(WTO), Switzerland, July 26, 2018.  [File Photo:VCG]

The nameplate of United States on the desk during General Council meeting at the World Trade Organization(WTO), Switzerland, July 26, 2018.  [File Photo:VCG]

Specifically, the cumbersome and slow dispute resolution mechanisms of the WTO, and its reliance on consensus, do not address the need to respond flexibly and nimbly to a quickly changing world, or to different, and at times incompatible national approaches to trade.

Attacks by the administration of the United States on the very system they were pivotal in creating have added to the strains on the current international trading system, and their abdication of their leadership position has left a leadership vacuum globally. The key question, however, is whether the multilateralism, rules-based approach to global trade is worth saving?

While some companies in the US, primarily major steel producers, have clearly benefited from, for example, the steel and aluminum tariffs levied on trading partners by increasing prices, many key businesses in the US and, more importantly, consumers, are not. Major companies such as General Electric, General Motors, Coca-Cola, and 3M have seen their profits eroded due to increasing costs as a result of the tariffs. Even companies such as Whirlpool, one of the early cheerleaders supporting tariffs, have found that they have boomeranged back on them through higher commodity costs, which has diminished their profits.

In addition to the obvious benefits of free trading to individuals, communities, companies and nations, in a world where key challenges such as environmental degradation, resource scarcity, poverty and human migration, technological disruption, and indeed, trade and the opportunities and costs it brings, are global, multilateralism, and a global perspective is a necessity for addressing humanities' most pressing concerns. Data supporting the benefits of globalization are irrefutable. However, so are the costs and the anxieties they create, perceived or otherwise.

There is an opportunity for countries committed to multilateralism and globalism, and who are prepared to support a rules-based order, such as China, to fill the current global leadership vacuum. Unilateralism and nativism are not a viable path to a more peaceful and prosperous world.

Global institutions need to be modernized and strengthened, and local anxieties recognized and addressed. And as for the re-engagement of the US in a multilateral, rules-based approach to addressing international affairs, to paraphrase a quote often attributed to the former British Prime Minister Winston Churchill, in the end, we can always count on our American friends to do the right thing, occasionally after some of the other options have been exhausted.

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LU Xiankun Professor LU Xiankun is Managing Director of LEDECO Geneva and Associate Partner of IDEAS Centre Geneva. He is Emeritus Professor of China Institute for WTO Studies of the University of International Business and Economics (UIBE) and Wuhan University (WHU) of China and visiting professor or senior research fellow of some other universities and think tanks in China and Europe. He also sits in management of some international business associations and companies, including as Senior Vice President of Shenzhen UEB Technology LTD., a leading e-commerce company of China. Previously, Mr. LU was senior official of Chinese Ministry of Commerce and senior diplomat posted in Europe, including in Geneva as Counsellor and Head of Division of the Permanent Mission of China to the WTO and in Brussels as Commercial Secretary of the Permanent Mission of China to the EU. Benjamin Cavender Benjamin Cavender is a Shanghai based consultant with more than 11 years of experience helping companies understand consumer behavior and develop go to market strategies for China. He is a frequent speaker on economic and consumer trends in China and is often featured on CNBC, Bloomberg, and Channel News Asia. Sara Hsu Sara Hsu is an associate professor from the State University of New York at New Paltz. She is a regular commentator on Chinese economy. Xu Qinduo Xu Qinduo is CRI's former chief correspondent to Washington DC, the United States. He works as the producer, host and commentator for TODAY, a flagship talk show on current affairs. Mr. Xu contributes regularly to English-language newspapers including Shenzhen Daily and Global Times as well as Chinese-language radio and TV services. Lin Shaowen A radio person, Mr. Lin Shaowen is strongly interested in international relations and Chinese politics. As China is quite often misunderstood in the rest of the world, he feels the need to better present the true picture of the country, the policies and meanings. So he talks a lot and is often seen debating. Then friends find a critical Lin Shaowen criticizing and criticized. George N. Tzogopoulos Dr George N. Tzogopoulos is an expert in media and politics/international relations as well as Chinese affairs. He is Senior Research Fellow at the Centre International de Européenne (CIFE) and Visiting Lecturer at the European Institute affiliated with it and is teaching international relations at the Department of Law of the Democritus University of Thrace. George is the author of two books: US Foreign Policy in the European Media: Framing the Rise and Fall of Neoconservatism (IB TAURIS) and The Greek Crisis in the Media: Stereotyping in the International Press (Ashgate) as well as the founder of chinaandgreece.com, an institutional partner of CRI Greek. David Morris David Morris is the Pacific Islands Trade and Investment Commissioner in China, a former Australian diplomat and senior political adviser. Harvey Dzodin After a distinguished career in the US government and American media Dr. Harvey Dzodin is now a Beijing-based freelance columnist for several media outlets. While living in Beijing, he has published over 200 columns with an emphasis on arts, culture and the Belt & Road initiative. He is also a sought-after speaker and advisor in China and abroad. He currently serves as Nonresident Research Fellow of the think tank Center for China and Globalization and Senior Advisor of Tsinghua University National Image Research Center specializing in city branding. Dr. Dzodin was a political appointee of President Jimmy Carter and served as lawyer to a presidential commission. Upon the nomination of the White House and the US State Department he served at the United Nations Office in Vienna, Austria. He was Director and Vice President of the ABC Television in New York for more than two decades.